 
Dogpatch Historical Context 
by Christopher VerPlanck
Note: This is a slightly revised version
 of a document prepared in support of the application by the Dogpatch 
neighbors to receive historical district status. 
Dogpatch is an approximately nine-block enclave of
 industrial workers’ housing located east of Potrero Hill, in San 
Francisco’s Central Waterfront district. The neighborhood is comprised 
of almost one-hundred flats and cottages, as well as several commercial,
 industrial and civic buildings, most of which were erected between 1870
 and 1930. 
The neighborhood is significant under National Register Criterion
 A (Patterns of History) and Criterion C (Design/Construction). The 
neighborhood is significant on the local city level under Criterion A, 
within the category of Industry, as the oldest and most intact 
concentration of industrial workers’ housing in San Francisco. No other 
district of San Francisco or California was industrialized to the degree
 of Potrero Point during the last quarter of the 19th Century. 
The shipyards and other maritime-related 
industries of Potrero Point required a steady supply of inexpensive 
immigrant labor in an area that was geographically cut off from the rest
 of the city. Local developers and landholders, including Santa Fe Land 
Improvement Company, filled this need by constructing rows of 
inexpensive cottages and selling individual parcels to laborers and 
their families, allowing the neighborhood to develop as an informal 
company town. 
Dogpatch is also significant on the local level 
under Criterion A, under the category of Exploration/Settlement, as the 
first housing developed in the Potrero District. Initially developed in 
the early 1870s, Dogpatch became the nucleus of the Potrero District 
that would evolve after the 1906. Finally, Dogpatch is significant under
 Criterion C as a moderately intact district of mostly Victorian and 
Edwardian-era era workers’ dwellings constructed between 1870 and 1910. 
The district has several clusters and pairs of identical dwellings, 
including a group of thirteen identical Eastlake-style cottages based on
 the plans of San Francisco architect John Cotter Pelton, Jr. While the 
significance of Union Iron Works/Bethlehem Steel is national, the 
significance of Dogpatch is local. 
The period of significance for the survey area 
dates from 1867, the opening of Long Bridge and the beginning of 
construction in the neighborhood, to the end of World War II.
Background
Spanish and Mexican Periods
What is now Dogpatch has a long record of human 
history dating from the local Native American residents of pre-European 
contact days to the present day. From 1776 until after the end of 
Spanish rule in 1821, all of Potrero Hill was used for grazing by at 
Mission Dolores to rear livestock for the Mission and the military 
garrison at the Presidio of San Francisco. In 1833 the Mexican 
government secularized the missions of Alta California. Although partly 
intended to free the indigenous people of California from peonage, the 
concurrent patenting of vast ranchos by the Mexican government resulted 
in the division of Mission Dolores’ land amongst the powerful 
descendents of the original Spanish settlers. 
All of what is now Potrero Hill, including Potrero
 Point, became part of a vast ranch known as Rancho Potrero de San 
Francisco, or simply Potrero Nuevo. Potrero Nuevo was granted to the 
sons of Francisco de Haro, the first alcalde of San Francisco and its 
boundaries were the same formidable natural features that have 
traditionally isolated the neighborhood from the rest of the city. 
Potrero Nuevo was ideal pasturage as it needed little fencing due to the
 presence of considerable natural boundaries, including Mission Creek to
 the north, San Francisco Bay to the east, Islais Creek to the south and
 the western escarpment of Potrero Hill to the west.[1] 
Early American Period
In the years following the American conquest of 
California in 1846 the settlement of Yerba Buena (renamed San Francisco 
in 1847) was largely confined to a several-block area surrounding 
Portsmouth Square. Although the Gold Rush pushed settlement south of 
Market Street to Steamboat Point, access to Rancho de Potrero Nuevo was 
hindered by the shallow tidal flats of Mission Bay. Nonetheless, this 
geographic isolation did not stop squatters from attempting to settle 
the steep slopes of Potrero Point, a 100’-tall arm of Potrero Hill that 
projected eastward into the Bay. In 1849, John Townsend and Cornelius de
 Boom unsuccessfully attempted to establish a settlement on De Haro’s 
land at Potrero Point. This first attempt proved to be unsuccessful due 
to the remoteness of the site and conflicting land claims.[2] 
Industry
Powder Magazines
Within only five years of California’s admission 
to the Union in 1850, Potrero Point’s destiny as the most important zone
 of heavy industry on the West Coast had already been established. The 
1852 Coast Survey map, the first official government map to depict 
Potrero Point, showed no buildings in the area now occupied by Dogpatch 
but within two years this situation changed dramatically. Increased 
population pressures, combined with a new city ordinance forbidding 
dangerous industries from being located anywhere near settled areas, 
compelled certain industries such as gunpowder manufacturers, to move 
beyond the city limits.[3]
 Due to its remoteness and abundant deep-water anchorages, Potrero Point
 was earmarked as the ideal location for relocating essential gunpowder 
manufacturing operations.[4]
 Such operations were needed in San Francisco to manufacture black 
gunpowder, which was used for hard rock mining in the Sierras and for 
city street grading.[5] 
In 1854, E.I. du Pont de Nemours Company, one of 
the largest manufacturers of black gunpowder in the United States, 
constructed their first powder magazine on the West Coast on the south 
shore of Potrero Point near the corner of Maryland and Humboldt Streets,
 now the site of P.G. & E.’s Potrero Power Plant. Within a year, 
Hazard Powder Company constructed a second gunpowder manufacturing 
facility on 23rd Street, between Maryland and Louisiana Streets.[6] 
The 1857 Coast Survey map shows that both 
operations were located on the south shore of Potrero Point, adjacent to
 wharves constructed for loading kegs onto ships. The gunpowder 
manufacturers remained at Potrero Point for about twenty-five years 
until the expanding city limits of San Francisco and encroaching 
residential districts on Irish Hill and Dutchman’s Flat compelled them 
to move on to more congenial locations. By 1881 both companies sold 
their plants to Claus Spreckels and moved to rural Contra Costa County.
Tubbs Cordage Company
Even before the completion of Long Bridge in 1867,
 maritime-related industries in search of large tracts of vacant land 
and deep water anchorage began joining the gunpowder manufacturers at 
Potrero Point. The earliest of these pioneer industries was a 
rope-making factory established by brothers Alfred and Hiram Tubbs 
called San Francisco Cordage Manufactory. After procuring the necessary 
machinery and hiring skilled laborers, the Tubbs brothers acquired a 
parcel of open land near the south shore of Potrero Point.[7]
 At this location the company started producing rope in 1857 and soon 
they were selling it to ship riggers and mining companies throughout the
 Western United States, Mexico, Peru, China and Japan. 
The first structure on the site was a 35’ x 
1,000’, one-story, wood-frame shed that extended in a southeasterly 
direction from the present-day intersection of Iowa and 22nd Streets to a
 wharf in the bay (see the image at the top of the page). The shed 
sheltered the rope walk, a 1000’ (later extended another 500’) platform 
used by skilled workmen to twist strands of yarn, made from hemp and 
abaca fibers, into ropes. Historic photographs and the 1886 Sanborn map 
indicate the presence of several imposing brick structures on the site, 
including a large brick structure marked “spinning jennies” and several 
smaller offices, warehouses and sheds. By 1889 the company was renamed 
Tubbs Cordage Company and it became one of the largest employers in the 
thriving residential community that had grown up just north of the plant
 in the l870s and 1880s. An article in the May 28, 1893 edition of the San Francisco Morning Call described Tubbs Cordage Company:
The works embrace several acres of land at the Potrero covered by immense fireproof buildings of brick and iron and which are all tile covered. In these structures the highest type of machinery that can be obtained for making cordage is in operation, showing the whole process of manufacturing every class and size of cables from the huge one, nine inches in circumference, to the one but a quarter of an inch in diameter, and including all of those products of manilla (sic) or sisal which enter so largely into the useful and mechanical requirements of the day.The material finds its way from the Philippines or Yucatan by shiploads and comes to the works in its raw state, whence, after careful manipulation, both by hand and machinery, it leaves as the perfect fabric, to be distributed along the Pacific Coast and as far south as Mexico and as far to the north as the adventurous whalers ascend and east to Salt Lake.The magnitude of the works can be estimated by a consideration of the fact that a 500 horsepower engine is required to drive the machinery and that 250 hands, all white, labor, and embracing men, boys and girls, always find constant employment at fair wages."[8]
San Francisco City Directories reveal that 
Tubbs Cordage Company remained a major manufacturer in San Francisco and
 employer in Dogpatch from the late 1870s until the San Francisco 
facility was shut down in 1962.[9]
 Within the next twenty years, the complex was gradually demolished and 
in 1978 the last remaining buildings were replaced by a San Francisco 
Municipal Railway bus yard.
Boat Yards
 Following the establishment of San Francisco Cordage Manufactory at 
Potrero Point in 1856 the industrialization of Potrero Point began to 
greatly intensify, particularly with the arrival of maritime-related 
industries in search of large parcels of land with deep-water access. In
 1862 John North, San Francisco’s most prominent shipbuilder, led the 
way by relocating his shipyard from Steamboat Point on the northern edge
 of Mission Bay to a large site near the foot of Sierra Street (now 22nd
 Street) on Potrero Point. Other boat and ship builders such as Henry 
Owens, William E. Collyer and Patrick Tiernan followed North to Potrero 
Point.[10]
 The construction of boatyards began to change the landscape of Potrero 
Point. The 1869 Coast Survey map shows five wharves and shipways along 
the rugged coastline of Potrero Point, two blocks east of what is now 
Dogpatch (Figure 2). The early ship yards illustrated the potential of 
the district as a major ship building center, a realization not lost on 
the owners of Union Iron Works and other major San Francisco 
manufacturers. Most important to the history of Dogpatch, the boat yards
 began to attract a significant residential labor force to the area. The
 earliest surviving dwelling in Dogpatch was constructed in 1872 for a 
boat builder named William J. Thompson. He was employed by a local boat 
builder on Illinois Street called Locke & Montague.
  Following the establishment of San Francisco Cordage Manufactory at 
Potrero Point in 1856 the industrialization of Potrero Point began to 
greatly intensify, particularly with the arrival of maritime-related 
industries in search of large parcels of land with deep-water access. In
 1862 John North, San Francisco’s most prominent shipbuilder, led the 
way by relocating his shipyard from Steamboat Point on the northern edge
 of Mission Bay to a large site near the foot of Sierra Street (now 22nd
 Street) on Potrero Point. Other boat and ship builders such as Henry 
Owens, William E. Collyer and Patrick Tiernan followed North to Potrero 
Point.[10]
 The construction of boatyards began to change the landscape of Potrero 
Point. The 1869 Coast Survey map shows five wharves and shipways along 
the rugged coastline of Potrero Point, two blocks east of what is now 
Dogpatch (Figure 2). The early ship yards illustrated the potential of 
the district as a major ship building center, a realization not lost on 
the owners of Union Iron Works and other major San Francisco 
manufacturers. Most important to the history of Dogpatch, the boat yards
 began to attract a significant residential labor force to the area. The
 earliest surviving dwelling in Dogpatch was constructed in 1872 for a 
boat builder named William J. Thompson. He was employed by a local boat 
builder on Illinois Street called Locke & Montague.Long Bridge
In anticipation of the completion of the 
transcontinental railroad in 1869, speculators flush with dividends from
 the Comstock mining boom began to invest in unimproved residential and 
industrial lands at Potrero Point. Due to its deep water access and 
inexpensive land, industrialists purchased large tracts of land in the 
area that now comprises Union Iron Works and Dogpatch. Nonetheless, 
speculators faced several significant natural obstacles that would have 
to be overcome before large-scale industrial development could occur. 
First, the foul-smelling expanse of Mission Bay, a large tidal flat 
separating Steamboat and Potrero Points, needed to be bridged to make 
access easier from downtown, as well as to increase land values. 
 The
 first pilings for Long Bridge were driven off Steamboat Point in 
February 1865 and the Potrero connection was completed at near Mariposa 
Street in 1867.[11]
 Long Bridge was extended, via Kentucky Street, across Islais Creek to 
Bayview in 1868. The completion of Kentucky Street across Potrero Point 
was only accomplished through massive blasting efforts, which were 
needed to remove portions of a large vein of serpentine rock that 
connected Potrero Point with the rest of Potrero Hill. In this first 
major alteration of the physical shape of Potrero Hill, over 100,000 
cubic yards of rock were removed.[12]
 Within a few months of the bridge’s completion, horse car lines 
operated by the Potrero and Bayview Railroad were in operation on Long 
Bridge, connecting downtown San Francisco with Potrero Point for the 
first time in its recorded history.
The
 first pilings for Long Bridge were driven off Steamboat Point in 
February 1865 and the Potrero connection was completed at near Mariposa 
Street in 1867.[11]
 Long Bridge was extended, via Kentucky Street, across Islais Creek to 
Bayview in 1868. The completion of Kentucky Street across Potrero Point 
was only accomplished through massive blasting efforts, which were 
needed to remove portions of a large vein of serpentine rock that 
connected Potrero Point with the rest of Potrero Hill. In this first 
major alteration of the physical shape of Potrero Hill, over 100,000 
cubic yards of rock were removed.[12]
 Within a few months of the bridge’s completion, horse car lines 
operated by the Potrero and Bayview Railroad were in operation on Long 
Bridge, connecting downtown San Francisco with Potrero Point for the 
first time in its recorded history. Railroads
Railroads played a decisive role in the physical 
development of Potrero Point and what is now Dogpatch during the last 
quarter of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. 
Perennially the most powerful forces in California politics, the 
Southern Pacific and the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railroads 
exerted their political muscle in Sacramento to acquire valuable 
industrial lands on Potrero Point, as well as the submerged “water lots”
 of Mission Bay. In 1869, during the construction of Long Bridge, both 
railroads acquired most of Mission Bay from the State in exchange for 
filling and developing the expansive tidal flats. Simultaneously the 
Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe (under the aegis of their real estate 
arm, the Santa Fe Land Improvement Company), acquired much of the rugged
 Potrero Point peninsula, including the acreage that now comprises the 
northern and central parts of what is now Dogpatch. In true form the 
railroads made out like bandits and dragged their feet in fulfilling 
their commitments. Southern Pacific did not finish filling their 
sections of Mission Bay until 1901 and Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe 
did not complete their filling operations until 1903. Potrero Point 
remained an important base of operations for both railroads into the 
20th century. 
The Southern Pacific used Kentucky Street as their
 right-of-way from their wharf on the Bay to their station South of 
Market and constructed a tremendous roundhouse on Mariposa Street at 
Minnesota. The Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe’s tracks followed Indiana
 Street from their mole south of Potrero Point to downtown. Santa Fe 
Land Improvement Company held onto their Dogpatch, which consisted of 
sections of Blocks 4043, 4060, 4061, 4106 and 4107 until the Second 
World War. Ownership of the land was essential to the company who 
actively quarried it as a source of landfill and later as a commodity to
 be developed with housing or industrial buildings.[13]
 In addition to building a row of duplex cottages along the 800 block of
 Minnesota Street, the Santa Fe Land Improvement Company built two large
 brick warehouses which still stand in Dogpatch, including the former 
Schilling Wine Warehouse at 900 Minnesota and the former Hulme & 
Hart Wool Scourers warehouse at 800-50 Tennessee Street.[14]
Pacific Rolling Mills
Simultaneous to the construction of Long Bridge, 
several newly organized capitalists began jostling with the railroads to
 acquire tracts of land on Potrero Point. On May 10, 1866 Pacific 
Rolling Mills was organized by the industrialists William Alvord, John 
Bensley and D.O. Mills. In that year they successfully received a grant 
of submerged land north of Potrero Point from the State Legislature. 
Alvord, the president of Pacific Rolling Mills then purchased 
approximately twenty acres on the north shore of Potrero Point and began
 building wharves and buildings at the foot of Napa Street (now 20th 
Street). In July 1868 Pacific Rolling Mills began producing rolled 
steel, the first product of this kind on the West Coast.[15]
 . Pacific Rolling Mills turned out about 30,000 tons of iron and 10,000
 tons of steel annually and gradually specialized in the manufacture of 
rails, locomotive parts, marine and engine forgings, bolts, nuts, 
railroad spikes, track nails, washers and coil chains.[16] In 1882 historian J. S. Hittell described the conditions of employment for the largely immigrant workforce.
From 430 to 450 men are employed in the different 
shifts. The rates of wages are 25 percent higher than the Eastern 
States. Common laborers receive from $1.75 to $2 per day; puddlers, 
rollers and the mill-men are paid by the ton, and make about $4 a day; 
and those in charge of a gang of men receive $8 per day.”[17]
 The higher wages paid by Pacific Rolling Mills and other early 
industries of Potrero Point were essential in attracting a local labor 
supply, many of whom began to settle in Irish Hill, a serpentine 
outcropping south of the mill not yet blasted away for the mill. 

In the mid-1890s Pacific Rolling Mills was renamed
 Risdon Iron & Locomotive Works and the company changed its emphasis
 to building gold dredges, which had been invented by the company in 
1897. In 1911 Bethlehem Steel bought out Risdon and merged the plant 
with their adjacent San Francisco Yard.
Boom and Bust: 1869-1883
Unpredictably, the completion of the 
transcontinental railroad in 1869 unleashed an economic downturn in San 
Francisco, as local industries suddenly found themselves unable to 
compete with a flood of inexpensive Eastern manufactured goods. Land 
values, bid up by speculators over the past decade, collapsed. The 
development of Potrero Point temporarily halted. Nonetheless, surviving 
industries began to recover by 1871, partially as a result of an influx 
of cheap immigrant labor from Eastern cities.[18]
 In 1871 the State of California began to auction off the remaining 
tidelands surrounding Potrero Point to various industries. Despite 
another slump that lasted from 1878 to 1884, the industries of Potrero 
Point continued to expand. The Coast Survey Map of 1883, the first since
 1869, showed that San Francisco Cordage, the boatyards and Pacific 
Rolling Mills had been joined by other industries including: Arctic Oil 
Works, Southern Pacific Cattle Yards, Atlas Iron Works, San Francisco Gas Light Company (later known as San Francisco Gas & Electric, California
 Sugar Refinery (later known as Western Sugar Refinery), California 
Barrel Company and Union Iron Works, the major employers of Dogpatch 
residents (Figure 3).
Industrial Expansion at Potrero Point
Following Pacific Rolling Mills, the City Gas 
Company Works, a forerunner of P. G. & E., was the next major 
industry to relocate to Potrero Point. Construction began in 1870 on 
“four blocks of land fronting the bay and lying between Humboldt and 
Sierra (22nd) Streets.” In 1873, the City Gas Company merged with the 
Metropolitan Gas Company and the San Francisco Gas Company to form the 
San Francisco Gas Light Company.[19]
 In 1899 the company expanded its physical presence in Potrero Point by 
constructing a large power house, machine shop, meter house and 
purifying house on Humboldt Street to the southeast of the survey area 
(these buildings still stand).[20] 
During much of the early 20th century, San 
Francisco Gas & Electric Company employed between 5 and 10% of 
Dogpatch residents.[21]
 In 1881, prominent San Francisco industrialist Claus Spreckels 
purchased a five-block site on the south shore of Potrero Point, east of
 Louisiana and south of Humboldt Streets, and commenced construction of 
the California Sugar Refinery. The massive brick buildings which 
comprised the plant included the Melt/Filter House, the Wash House and 
the Char House. All were designed in 1881 by a New York architect named 
Hepworth. 
The California Sugar Refinery was purchased by the
 American Sugar Refining Company in 1891 and renamed the Western Sugar 
Refinery by its new owners. The refinery remained one of the top five 
employers in Dogpatch until the early 1950s, employing 1,000 men and 
between 10-to-15% of the neighborhood residents.[22]
 In 1949, California & Hawaiian Sugar Refining Corporation bought 
the refinery and subsequently demolished the buildings and sold the 
machinery for scrap in 1951 after coming to the conclusion that the 
plant was too antiquated to be profitably modernized.[23] 
Another early industry at Potrero Point was the 
American Barrel Company. First established at Potrero Point in 1884 on 
Louisiana Street, between Humboldt and Nevada Streets, the company was 
one of the earliest barrel manufacturers in San Francisco.[24]
 In 1900 the factory was relocated to Sierra and Illinois Streets, where
 it remained in operation until 1956. The site is now occupied by a P.G.
 & E. parking lot. 
Union Iron Works

From the late 1880s until the end of the Second 
World War Union Iron Works was the most important industry on Potrero 
Point and the largest employer of Dogpatch residents, employing anywhere
 between a quarter to half of the neighborhood residents.[25]
 It was also the most important manufacturing industry in San Francisco 
and the West Coast during from the latter half of the 19th century until
 the First World War. 
Union Iron Works was founded in 1849 by the 
brothers Peter, James and Michael Donahue and although little more than a
 blacksmith’s shop, the business was the first iron works established on
 the West Coast.[26]
 In 1862 the company became known as Donahue Iron & Brass Company 
and a few years later, when H. J. Booth, Irving M. Scott and George W. 
Prescott joined the firm-the Union Iron Works. The pioneer firm soon 
became the most important manufacturing firm in the West. 
In 1865 Union Iron Works built the first 
locomotive on the West Coast for the San Francisco-San Jose Railroad. 
Within the next decade Union Iron Works was manufacturing 90% of the 
heavy machinery used by mining companies working the Comstock Lode. By 
1865, Donahue had sold his interest in the Union Iron Works and for the 
next ten years, the company was known as H. J. Booth & Co.[27]
 In the early 1880s, H. J. Booth & Co. was reorganized under the 
management of partner Irving Murray Scott and renamed Prescott, Scott 
& Co. 
One of Scott’s first major accomplishments was to 
purchase 32 acres of land with deep-water frontage on the north side of 
Potrero Point and in 1883 he oversaw the construction of the new Union 
Iron Works plant at Potrero Point. The total cost of the shipyard came 
to approximately $2,000,000, an exorbitant sum for the day. The 
buildings, which were designed by a civil engineer named Dr. D. E. 
Melliss, included a boiler shop, a blacksmiths’ shop, riveting and 
erecting shop (Building 112), machine shop (Building 113), a 120’ 
chimney, a brass-plating shop, an iron foundry and a pattern shop.[28] 
The shipyard was connected to transportation lines
 via a Southern Pacific spur line and the physical site was expanded 
through fill operations that involved removing rock from Irish Hill and 
dumping it in the Bay. Finally, shipways, cranes and long wharf were 
constructed to handle virtually any sized ship. Gradually, Union Iron 
works bought out its nearby competitors at Potrero Point, including 
Atlas Iron Works and Risdon Locomotive Works.[29] 
Naval Expansion

Recognizing the growing demand for steel hulled 
ships Scott decided to branch out from the company’s traditional 
emphasis upon railroad and mining equipment to ship manufacturing.[30] The first ship launched at the new Potrero Yard in April 1885 was the collier Arago, a
 steamer of 800 tons. Nonetheless, it was not peacetime merchant vessels
 that would make Union Iron Works the largest shipyard in California and
 the dominant manufacturing facility on the West Coast. The ambitious 
expansion of the U.S. Navy in the late 1880s and 1890s inspired Scott to
 bid on Navy contracts, coming into direct competition with major East 
Coast shipyards. The first military contracts completed by Union Iron 
Works were the battle cruisers Charleston and San Francisco, which were launched in 1888, the first cruisers launched on the West Coast. However it would be the legendary cruiser Olympia and the battleship Oregon
 (launched in 1893) that would forever seal Union Iron Works’ reputation
 for building great warships. In 1896 Irving Scott retained the firm of 
Percy & Hamilton to design a new drafting house for the shipyard 
(Building 104). In the decades that followed, Union Iron Works launched 
down its ways battleships and armored cruisers as large and heavy as any
 major shipyard in the world. One of these ships was the USS Ohio,
 one of the biggest battleships of its era. President McKinley, Irving 
M. Scott’s close friend, presided over the laying of the keel in 1899. 
Much to the pride of the Dogpatch/Irish Hill communities, McKinley was 
escorted to the keel laying by a group of schoolchildren from the Irving
 M. Scott School.[31]
 Much to the chagrin of eastern shipyards, Scott took advantage of a 
preferential bid-price formula designed by the federal government to 
encourage shipbuilding on the West Coast. As a result, Union Iron Works 
gained a healthy share of the contracts that led to the creation of the 
Great White Fleet, the symbol of American Naval might that Theodore 
Roosevelt would send around to the ports of all nations. 
In 1902 the United States Shipbuilding Company, a 
trust headed by Lewis Nixon and Charles Schwab, acquired Union Iron 
Works, as well as seven other major shipyards in the nation.[32]
 After the company went into receivership Charles M. Schwab successfully
 bid $1,000,000 for the Union Iron Works on behalf of Bethlehem Steel, 
at a public auction in 1905. Schwab appointed Joseph J. Tynan as the new
 superintendent of Bethlehem Steel’s San Francisco Yard, as Union Iron 
Works was renamed.[33]
 In 1911 Bethlehem Steel purchased Risdon Iron & Locomotive 
Shipbuilding Works (formerly Pacific Rolling Mills) and added them to 
the San Francisco Yard. The following year, the San Francisco firm of 
Weeks & Day was hired to design a new powerhouse for the plant along
 the main 20th Street frontage. Charles Schwab had been appointed by 
President Wilson to serve as the director-general of the Emergency Fleet
 Corporation and he steered several major Navy contracts to the San 
Francisco Yard in the years leading up the First World War.[34]
 In 1916 the shipyard was expanded physically with a $100,000 
reinforced-concrete foundry building which necessitated the demolition 
of Irish Hill in order to construct it.[35]
 The next year, a new administration building was constructed on the 
northeast corner of Illinois and 20th Streets. In 1918, one year after 
the United States entered the First World War, the San Francisco Yard 
constructed 18 submarines, 10 of which were for Britain, and 66 
destroyers. On July 4, 1918, 8 destroyers were launched in one day to 
join the U. S. Navy. By 1918 the San Francisco Yard employed 10,000 
workers and the total sum of laborers employed at all of Bethlehem 
Steel’s yards in the Bay Area (including the Alameda and Hunter’s Point 
shipyards) was 25,000, making it the single largest ship producing 
complex in the world.[36]
With peace in 1918 came a collapse in shipbuilding
 at Bethlehem Steel’s San Francisco Yard, which lapsed into 
semi-dormancy. Nevertheless, between 1919 and 1938 shipyard constructed 
142 vessels, including submarines, oil tankers, freighters, ferries, and
 passenger and freight ships. With the revival of interest in the 
merchant marine, the plant was modernized in 1938. During the interwar 
period there was also some limited warship construction, including two 
destroyers: the McCall and the Maury.[37] In
 1938 the shipyard was renamed the San Francisco Yard. During the 1930s 
and 1940s laborers in the Potrero Yard, many of whom lived in Dogpatch, 
struck for higher wages. After the outbreak of war in 1941 disputes were
 put aside as the shipyard began operating at full capacity when it 
employed 18,500 workers during round-the-clock shifts. During the Second
 World War Bethlehem Steel expanded the Potrero Yard facilities in 
anticipation of the fifty-two warships, troop transports and other 
war-related vessels that would be constructed during the next four 
years, not to mention the 2,500 repaired or converted vessels, ranging 
from tugs to 32,000 battleships.[38] Among the ships overhauled included the SS Nieu Amsterdam, the Navy troop transport Montecello (formerly the Italian luxury liner Conte di Savoia), the 25,000-ton aircraft carrier Essex and the battleships: USS California, USS Maryland, USS Mississippi, USS Nevada and the USS Pennsylvania. 
Transformation of the Landscape of Potrero Point
Perhaps no other district was transformed to such a
 high degree as the Potrero District. Massive earthmoving projects 
undertaken by the railroads and other industries gradually blasted away 
the eastern rampart of Potrero Hill and used the rubble to extend the 
industrial lands. Filling of the marshes of Mission Bay began as early 
as the 1850s and intensified after the construction of Long Bridge and 
the granting of the Mission Bay submerged lands to the Southern Pacific 
and the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe. The physical changes wrought by
 such activities of Potrero Point did not escape the attention of local 
observers. The San Francisco Examiner ran a feature story on 
Potrero Point in August 1889 describing the tremendous physical changes 
that had occurred during the previous twenty years:
There is no portion of San Francisco where the work of ‘the mighty hand of man’ is shown so plainly, perhaps, as in that district known as the Potrero. Elsewhere within the city’s boundaries vast changes have been brought about...work was strictly that of development. But here it is far different. The pioneers of progress at the Potrero, have had first actually to create the very ground upon which have been erected those vast establishments that have given to the district its name and fame as the very foremost center of mechanical industry and wealth-producing enterprises upon the Coast.Where the massive factories now stand solidly along the level shore, which bristles with its rows of piers, was once but a choice between precipitous hillsides, along which a goat could scarcely make his way, and oozy foul-smelling marshes, a mere glance at which would seem sufficient to have utterly discouraged the most progressive combination of energy and capital.Great stretches of craggy bluffs have disappeared. Vast masses of rock have been blasted away from the hillsides and thrown upon the marshes. Thousands and thousands sunk into the depths and left no trace, but a time came at last when the vast dumping process had its effect, and the solid earth appeared above the surface. The mountain had perished! That portion it was necessary to remove so that the great manufactories could take root – and with the mountain had gone the marshes.[39]
Early Residential Development at Potrero Point
The development of the Potrero District’s first 
two residential enclaves: Irish Hill and Dutchman’s Flat (now Dogpatch) 
began in earnest after the completion of Long Bridge in 1867. The 1869 
Coast Survey map shows a few scattered dwellings on Kentucky Street near
 the bridgehead and another cluster of cottages south of Pacific Rolling
 Mills in what became known as Irish Hill. Even after the introduction 
of streetcar service in 1867 house builders faced a significant 
challenge in the form of the formidable rampart of serpentine that 
comprised most of Potrero Point. Although public transportation in 
theory made it possible for laborers to commute from other parts of the 
city, most contemporary observers acknowledged the need for workers’ 
housing adjacent to the factories of Potrero Point, a massive 
undertaking in an area with very little residential development and 
imposing natural obstacles. An article in the August 11, 1889 edition of
 the San Francisco Examiner described this need:
Allowing that the factories were built, the mills and docks erected, communication with the city established – this, in itself a herculean task – here still remained the problem of housing the great armies of workmen, without whom the wheels and the hammers and the forges must forever remain useless and silent. All could not come from a distance and on those bleak and almost inaccessible hillsides there seemed no more chance for human habitations than upon the low-lying, repulsive and tide-swept marsh.[40]
Similar to the massive land-forming efforts 
necessary to transform the steep slopes of Potrero Point and the 
adjacent mudflats into industrial sites, vast amounts of labor was 
necessary to create residential building sites on the unused land of 
Potrero Point. Much of Irish Hill and Dogpatch were created by blasting 
away tons of rock which was dumped in Mission Bay. Areas cleared first, 
such as the area surrounding the intersection of Illinois and 20th 
Streets in Irish Hill or the intersection of Tennessee and 22nd Streets 
and Tennessee and 18th Streets in Dogpatch were developed first in the 
1870s. An article in the August 11 1889 edition of the San Francisco Examiner described the process of carving residential districts from Potrero Point:
And about the centers of industries which flourish, so to speak, the lifeblood of what has now come to be the vigorous young community, has grown up the town. More and more of the hillsides were leveled down; more and more of the marsh built up into high and solid ground.Pathways, alleys and finally broad streets and avenues were graded through or up the slopes, and such of the bigger acclivities (sic) as were allowed to remain were terraced and graded and made the sites of numberless cosy (sic) homes.As the industries of the place grew and the necessity for more building ground, both for business purposes and homes, increased, the streets were carried further, though in many instances at least, at almost incredible toil and expense, and more favorable locations were opened up.[41]
The residential districts that sprang up at 
Potrero Point constituted the only significant urbanization within the 
entire Potrero District. The 1883 Coast map shows that most of Potrero 
Hill was still rural, consisting for the most part of a handful of large
 ranches. When San Franciscans referred to the “Potrero” after the 1870s
 they meant the industrial zone along the bay and the residential 
enclaves of Irish Hill and Ductchman’s Flat/Dogpatch.
Irish Hill

Irish Hill is not located within the Dogpatch 
survey boundaries but it is worth discussing as the first residential 
enclave to develop adjacent to the budding industrial district of 
Potrero Point. Irish Hill was located in an area bounded by Illinois 
Street to the west, Pacific Rolling Mills/Union Iron Works to the north,
 San Francisco Bay to the east and San Francisco Gas & Electric 
Company to the south. It consisted of two separate areas: a district of 
approximately sixty shacks and cottages huddled on the crest of an 
outcropping of serpentine south of the shipyard and a compact district 
of approximately forty lodging houses on the flats surrounding the 
intersection of Illinois and 20th Streets. Irish Hill was a solidly 
working-class district inhabited mostly by single Irish male immigrants.
 In 1946 Billy Carr, a sheriff’s deputy in South San Francisco who had 
been raised in Irish Hill, described the scene:
In the early eighties it was mostly all hotels on Irish Hill. The Green House, run by Mike Farrell. The White House, run by Hans Rasmussen. Cash’s Hotel run by Jimmy Cole. The San Quentin House, run by Jim Gately. Gately took in the parolees from San Quentin and got them jobs in the rolling mills at the foot of the hill. There was Paddy Kearns’ Hotel, and outside the gas house was Mike Boyle’s steam beer dump…In them days we never went to Morosco’s (a vaudeville house on Mission Street)…the shows were much better on Irish Hill, where the boys from one hotel would challenge the boys from another hotel and fight all Saturday afternoon in a hayrope ring outside Gately’s Hotel. Then we’d all go in and knock off steam beers for a nickel a piece…You went up on Irish Hill when you got off work and you never left it until morning. Below it was Dutchman’s Flat (Dogpatch) where Dutchmen from the old country lived. The next hill, that’s Russian Hill now (Potrero Hill), was Scotch Hill, where the Scotchmen lived. The Irish came from Ireland, with a shaillalah stick and a bag on their shoulder, and a card telling them to go to work for the Pacific Rolling Mill. If there was no work there, they’d go to the gas house (San Francisco Gas Light Company). The Dutchmen came with work cards telling them to go to the sugar house (Western Sugar Refinery). The Scotchmen, all mechanical men, would go to work at the Scott Union Iron Works.In them days, there was never a street paved. You went through the mud to school. If you wanted to go to Butchertown you walked a plank from Twenty-third Street to Arthur Avenue…But the war (First World War) came along, and the Government drove us off Irish Hill. Eight or nine hundred people used to live there. [42]

Demolished by Bethlehem Steel during the First 
World War to make way for shipyard expansion, all that remains of Irish 
Hill is a small rocky promontory overlooking Pier 70 near the 
intersection of Illinois and 22nd Streets. 
Early Development in Dogpatch
During the late 1870s, the flats west of Kentucky 
Street on Potrero Point were beginning to coalesce into a secondary 
district of industrial workers’ housing. The 1869 U.S. Coast Survey map 
reveals that there were a few structures located within the survey 
boundaries of Dogpatch, especially along Tennessee and Kentucky Streets 
(Figure 2). Most of the other structures appear to have been dwellings 
or commercial structures with flats above. There were also several 
community buildings on Kentucky Street, including the Potrero School 
(1865), Olivet Presbyterian Church (1869) and the Kentucky Street 
Methodist Episcopal Church (1871), indicating the existence of a 
separate viable neighborhood. The 1883 U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey 
map indicates that by this year several new clusters of houses had been 
constructed on both sides Tennessee Street, between Mariposa and 19th 
Streets (Figure 3). The 1886 Sanborn Fire Insurance map, the first to 
cover the Potrero district, illustrate that Dogpatch had blossomed into a
 growing residential neighborhood with clusters of two-family flats, 
workers’ cottages, saloons, shops and two churches. The residences were 
located in two separate clusters along Tennessee Street; the first 
clustered around the intersections of Solano (18th Street) and Tennessee
 and Sierra (22nd Street). The first description of Dogpatch (then 
called Dutchman’s Flat) appeared in the August 11, 1889 edition of the San Francisco Examiner. 
The residence portion of the Potrero may be said to be divided like ancient Gaul, into three parts, the “old town” is that first divided, mentioned as crowning the heights above the waterside factories, and the principal means of gaining access to which are long flights of stairs (Irish Hill). Another section is that which has also been referred to as lying to the southwest in the valley next to the cordage factory (Dogpatch).The days of the cliff-dwellers is passing. Many and many scores of modest homes still crown the heights which frown above the great waterside factories, and to which the principal means of access is still long flights of wooden stairs, but it is upon the gentler and more pleasing sites that rows of cottages, in later days erected, are located, and for long stretches of level or slightly rising streets, bordered by broad, tree-shaded sidewalks mark the new Potrero…[43]
The density of residential development in Dogpatch
 remained sparse in comparison with Irish Hill until the early years of 
the 20th Century. Reasons for the relatively uneven level of development
 in Dogpatch include the fact that much of Dogpatch was occupied by 
large outcroppings of serpentine and second, that much of the northern 
part of the neighborhood was owned by the Atchison, Topeka & Santa 
Fe railroad, an organization not particularly keen to sell off their 
holdings for residential development. 
According to Census schedules and anecdotal 
evidence, Dogpatch and Irish Hill retained very separate identities 
during the 1880s and 1890s. According to the US Census schedules, Irish 
Hill was inhabited almost exclusively by unskilled and semi-skilled 
Irish immigrant laborers who worked at Pacific Rolling Mills or Union 
Iron Works.[44]
 The prevalence of residential hotels and saloons in Irish Hill 
reflected this state of affairs. Most of the first residents of what is 
now Dogpatch were American-born skilled craftsmen in the boatyards or as
 foremen at San Francisco Cordage or Pacific Rolling Mills. According to
 local tradition there was also an influx of German laborers into the 
young neighborhood around 1880, giving the area its early name of 
Dutchman’s Flat.[45]
 Several of the oldest surviving dwellings in Dogpatch, such as 718 22nd
 Street or 707 18th Street reflect the early history of the 
neighborhood. The Italianate-style dwelling at 707 18th Street was 
constructed in 1876 by Frederick S. Castner, a gardener and carpenter 
and the dwelling at 718 22nd Street (formerly Sierra) was constructed in
 1872 by William J. Thompson, an American-born boat builder employed by 
Locke & Montague, one of the oldest boat yards on Potrero Point.[46] 
Churches
Further evidence of the establishment of Dogpatch 
as a distinct community include the establishment of several churches in
 what is now Dogpatch including the Kentucky Street Methodist Episcopal 
Church, Olivet Presbyterian Church and what would eventually become St. 
Teresa’s Catholic Church. Dogpatch received its first religious 
institution in 1869 when a congregation of seventeen Scottish 
ironworkers employed by Pacific Rolling Mills, built a small church on 
Tennessee Street. When the church burned in 1877, a new one was built on
 Mississippi Street, closer to the Scottish settlement on Connecticut 
Street, near the crest of Potrero Hill.[47] The 1871 San Francisco City Directory
 indicates that the original Kentucky Street Methodist Episcopal Church 
was built on a donated 60’ x 100’ lot on the corner of Michigan and 
Sierra Streets. By 1881 Pastor David Seal moved the church its present 
site on the “west side of Tennessee Street, between Butte and Solano.” 
The church remained in operation at this address, ministering to 
native-born English-speaking shipyard workers. However, the demographics
 of Dogpatch changed as Irish-born residents from Irish Hill and the 
South of Market moved into what had been a primarily native-born 
district and by 1900 the congregation had shrunk to a small number. The 
last listing for the Potrero Methodist Episcopal Church occurred in the 
1904 San Francisco City Directory.[48] 
Potrero Point received its first regular Catholic 
services in the 1860s, when Catholic priests from St. Peter’s began 
coming to celebrate Mass in the dining room of the dining room of the 
Breslin Hotel in Irish Hill. In 1880 Archbishop Patrick Riordan decided 
to establish a new parish in the Potrero district, calling it St Teresa 
after St. Teresa of Avila. Father John Kenny was appointed the first 
pastor and a warehouse was converted into a church with three alters and
 a confessional. However, it would not be until 1892 that Dogpatch would
 get its own Catholic church when Father Patrick O’Connell built St. 
Theresa’s Church on the northeast corner of Tennessee and 19th Streets, 
currently the site of a metal warehouse at 699 Tennessee. Following the 
1906 Earthquake Father O’Connell decided to build a school for the 
neighborhood’s increased Catholic population. The Sisters of the 
Presentation began work in 1912 and by October of that year they had 
established a school with over 100 students. After the demolition of 
Irish Hill during the First World War, the Irish Catholic population of 
Potrero Point diminished significantly. This factor, combined with 
encroaching industry, compelled the parish to move St. Teresa’s to the 
top of Potrero Hill. In 1924 movers cut the building in two and moved 
each part independently to its present location at the northeast corner 
of 19th and Connecticut Streets.[49]
Commerce in Dogpatch
As a self-contained industrial/residential 
neighborhood removed from the rest of the city, Dogpatch supported 
several small groceries, butcher shops and vegetable stands within the 
survey boundaries. The principal commercial districts included: Solano 
(18th) Street between Iowa and Kentucky and Sierra (22nd) Street between
 Minnesota and Kentucky. Prior to its demolition during the First World 
War, the intersection of Illinois and 22nd Streets in Irish Hill was the
 most dynamic commercial area, accommodating saloons, groceries, cafes 
and other businesses. Most groceries in Dogpatch were located in the 
bottom floor of residential flats and they were usually owned by local 
residents, who often lived either above them or close by. The first 
grocery in Dogpatch was opened by Gus Lehrke at 627 Tennessee Street. 
Businesses came and went in Dogpatch but some important longer-lasting 
businesses included: Frank Weiss’ butcher shop at 1532 Kentucky Street, 
which lasted from the 1890s until 1915. The 1915 City Directory records 
four other groceries in Dogpatch, two of which were located in surviving
 buildings within the boundaries of the proposed historic district. 
Serafina Barsi ran a small grocery and vegetable stand on the first 
floor of 1100 Tennessee from 1907 until 1930. The largest store was J. 
J. Twomey & Son’s Market at 900 22nd Street. This grocery was run by
 two generations of the Twomey family until it was purchased by Patrick 
Geary, who continued to operate it as a market. The largest grocery 
within the survey boundaries is the building at 1103-05 Tennessee. In 
1910 John Bowes built the existing one-story commercial structure and 
operated a market in the building. In 1923 Bowes sold the building to 
Charles Crowley, a plumber. In 1941 Crowley sold 1103-05 Tennessee to 
Alberto Valadez, a Mexican-born grocer, who converted the building back 
into a grocery store. Other important businesses in Dogpatch include 
several saloons: Dugan’s Liquors, at 914 Minnesota, Howley’s Liquors at 
1100 Tennessee, Brady’s Liquors at 700-02 22nd Street, just to name a 
few.
Population Characteristics: 1880-1890
The demographic makeup of Dogpatch was transformed
 between 1880 and 1890 from a predominantly American-born population of 
skilled craftsmen and foremen to a more varied population of various 
European ethnic groups. As Census records for the district are either 
unavailable or illegible, listings in city directories and other sources
 of information help to fill out the socio-economic picture of the 
neighborhood. From these sources it can be determined that Irish-born 
residents comprised close to half the population by 1890. During the 
early days of Union Iron Works, a relatively small percentage of 
residents worked in the shipyard. Large numbers of neighborhood 
residents worked in a variety of the industries of Potrero Point, 
including Pacific Rolling Mills, San Francisco Cordage Company and 
Western Sugar Refinery. By the end of the decade the workforce at Union 
Iron Works expanded to employ more than a thousand men and Dogpatch grew
 in response as empty lots were graded, subdivided and built up. 
Development: 1880-1890
The construction and expansion of Union Iron Works
 at Potrero Point was the most significant factor behind the development
 of Dogpatch in the 1880s and for the next seventy years, the fortunes 
of the neighborhood ebbed and flowed with the largest shipyard of the 
West Coast. During the 1880s speculators and individuals built several 
clusters of Italianate style multi-family flats and cottages along most 
of the graded sections of Tennessee Street, particularly at its 
intersections with Sierra (22nd Street), Butte (19th Street) and Solano 
(18th Street). One of the most significant clusters of surviving 
dwellings from the 1880s is located on the 1100 Block of Tennessee 
Street. In 1885 architect Michael J. Welch and builders O. E. Dunshea 
and Thomas Sullivan designed and constructed a row of four identical 
Italianate flats for the Sullivan family (1104-06, 1108-10, 1112-14 and 
1116-18 Tennessee). Three years earlier Martin Phelan had commissioned a
 row of six identical flat-fronted Italianate residences on the east 
side of the 1100 block of Tennessee. Nearly identical to the row on the 
west side of Tennessee, it is possible that they were also designed by 
Michael J. Welch. Only two of the original row (1109-11 and 1113-15 
Tennessee) remain today. Although not built as a group, another row of 
Italianate style multi-family dwellings went up along the west side of 
the 700 block of Tennessee, including 694 Tennessee (1884), 700 
Tennessee (1883), 724-26 Tennessee (1886), and 730-32 Tennessee (1885).
Observers of the “new Potrero” remarked on the 
steadily growing residential character of the district, which was 
transformed from a quasi-rural district of single-family dwellings into a
 workingman’s suburbs inhabited largely by immigrant families employed 
by the industries of Potrero Point. Upon describing the new 
manufacturing buildings erected by San Francisco Cordage Company, a 
reporter for the Examiner wrote in 1893:
Upon the gentle slopes to the northward are 
numerous blocks of cottages or more ambitious residence structures, amid
 which stands the large public school building, which certainly does not
 suffer by comparison with those within the better-known districts of 
the city.[50] 
Population Characteristics: 1890-1900
From 1890-1900 the population of Dogpatch 
continued to evolve, becoming an increasingly foreign-born and 
working-class in character. According to the 1900 Census, 45.8% of the 
72 households in the survey area were Irish-born. German-born residents 
came in second with 25% and American-born residents ranked third with 
13.9%. Other ethnic groups represented in the neighborhood included: 
Danish, Swedish, Japanese, Scottish, Welsh and Norwegian. According to 
the 1900 Census, 38.9% heads-of-household were homeowners and 55.5% were
 renters. Occupational backgrounds of neighborhood residents varied 
greatly according to the 1900 Census. Union Iron Works had become by far
 the largest private employer of Dogpatch residents. According to the 
1900 Census 25% of the heads-of-household were employed as laborers, 
platers, riveters or in other categories at the shipyard. Ranked second 
after Union Iron Works were residents employed as itinerant laborers. 
This category, which comprised 18.1% of all heads-of household, 
consisted mostly of day laborers, teamsters and tradesmen. In third 
place were residents employed by Market Street Railway. This privately 
operated streetcar operator which predated the municipally owned San 
Francisco Municipal Railway, employed 15.3% of neighborhood residents, 
mostly as conductors and gripmen on cable car lines throughout the city.
 In 1900 12.5% of neighborhood heads-of-household were proprietors of 
local businesses, such as saloons, grocery stores and butchers. In fifth
 place was Western Sugar Refinery, which employed 11.1% of neighborhood 
residents. Other employers of local residents included San Francisco 
Fire Department, Pacific Rolling Mills, Atlas Iron Works, California 
Barrel Company, Tubbs Cordage Company and San Francisco Gas & 
Electric Company.[51]
Development: 1890-1900
Roughly half of the surviving historic dwellings 
in Dogpatch were constructed between 1890 and 1900. The dramatic growth 
of Dogpatch reflected citywide and national trends that were fueled by 
the twin phenomena of mass foreign immigration and urbanization. In the 
fifty years between 1850 and 1900, San Francisco had grown from a tiny 
rural settlement into the nation’s eighth-largest city and the second 
most important port, second only to New York in foreign trade. At 
Potrero Point, Union Iron Works won several important contracts from the
 U.S. Navy to build warships, including the USS Charleston in 1888, the USS Oregon in 1893 and the USS Ohio in
 1900. The expansion of operations at Union Iron Works increased the 
demand for labor. Although public transit allowed workers to commute to 
Potrero Point from elsewhere in the City, the district was still 
relatively isolated from other residential districts. The crest of 
Potrero Hill was as yet sparsely populated due to lack of transit and 
water. In order to satisfy the demand for workers’ housing in close 
proximity to the iron works, speculators and individuals built a wide 
variety of workers’ housing, ranging from a cluster of sixteen 
single-family “Pelton cottages” on Minnesota and Tennessee Streets to 
several large multi-family dwellings on the north side of 22nd Street 
and infill construction elsewhere. 
Development: 1900-1910
The first decade of the 20th Century was another 
important period for residential development in Dogpatch. The early part
 of the decade experienced a slump as ship-building dried up after the 
conclusion of the Spanish-American War and the receivership sale of 
Union Iron Works in 1905 Bethlehem Steel. Development in Dogpatch picked
 up toward the end of the decade as the San Francisco Yard experienced a
 resurgence in contracts. Perhaps more than the shipyards, the event 
that caused the most significant increase of population in Dogpatch was 
the 1906 Earthquake, which brought thousands of earthquake refugees to 
Potrero Hill. Between 1900 and 1910 the largest single concentration of 
new residential development occurred in the southwestern corner of the 
neighborhood when eleven new multi-family dwellings were built on a 
newly subdivided parcel on the west side of the 900 block of Minnesota 
Street. The majority of the other dwellings constructed during the 
decade occurred as infill development on vacant lots. Most of these 
later dwellings were larger multi-family dwellings designed in the 
Classical Revival style, such as 1016-18 Tennessee (1901) and 1159-63 
Tennessee (1909). 
1906 Earthquake
The 1906 Earthquake and Fire left approximately 
250,000 San Franciscans homeless. Especially hard hit was the 
working-class industrial/residential South of Market district. After the
 initial destruction, many of the earthquake refugees made their way to 
the undestroyed parts of the Mission and Potrero districts where they 
squatted on parkland and empty lots. A City refugee camp was established
 on a large vacant parcel in Dogpatch belonging to the Santa Fe Land 
Improvement Company, which was bounded by 18th Street to the north, 
Kentucky Street to the east, Kentucky Place to the south and Indiana 
Street to the west (Figures 5 and 6). By Autumn 1906 the Army tents were
 replaced with temporary but more substantial two-and-three-room wood 
prefabricated cabins. These structures were euphemistically called 
“cottages” by the government but quickly earned the name of “earthquake 
shack.” After 1906 the South of Market district was rebuilt almost 
entirely as an industrial neighborhood, with the population of the South
 of Market declined rapidly, from 62,000 to 24,000. Working-class 
immigrant families who had dominated the district before 1906 were 
largely squeezed out. As a result, many South of Market refugees decided
 to remain in the Potrero, either taking up residence in the older 
industrial neighborhoods of Dogpatch or Irish Hill or moving their 
earthquake shacks to the heretofore underdeveloped expanses of Potrero 
Hill.[52]
 In many ways the neighborhood that the South of Market refugees moved 
to was not all that different than the vanished neighborhood they had 
left. Developed as an extension of the South of Market on the south side
 of Mission Bay, Potrero Point and Dogpatch was characterized by a 
mixture of industrial and residential uses. 
Population Characteristics: 1900-1920
Census reveal that Dogpatch had grown from around 
700 people to over 1,000 between 1900 and 1920. It had also become more 
ethnically diverse after a large influx of Italian immigrants. Between 
1910 and 1920, Northern European immigrant groups shrank in proportion 
to “newer” immigrant groups from Eastern and Southern Europe and the 
percentage of native-born Americans shrank to a tiny proportion of the 
population. Irish-born residents and their children still comprised the 
largest segment of the population although their percentage of the 
population shrank from 45.8% to 42.6%. The largest decreases occurred 
amongst German-born residents who shrank from 25% of householders in 
1900 to 4.6% in 1920 and native-born Americans who decreased from 13.9% 
to 6.5% during the same period. Conversely, between 1900 and 1920 the 
Italian-born population of Dogpatch increased from virtually nothing to 
around 30.5%, making this group the second-largest segment of the 
population. According to local tradition, a second major influx of 
Italians into Dogpatch occurred in 1923 after a fire destroyed Cunio 
Flats, an Italian community located close to Fisherman’s Wharf.[53]
 One of the first Italian families to settle in what is now Dogpatch was
 the Ciccerone Family, who started a grocery store in 1905 at 1204 19th 
Street.[54]
 Although Census Schedules for this decade are not yet available, block 
books, city directories and property sales records indicate that the 
majority of the property purchases in Dogpatch were being made by 
residents with Italian surnames by the end of the decade.
Between 1900 and 1920 Union Iron Works/Bethlehem 
Steel’s San Francisco Yard came to increasingly dominate the employment 
pool of Dogpatch. In 1900 Union Iron Works was already the 
single-largest employer in the neighborhood, employing 25% of all 
residents. Related industries such as Pacific Rolling Mills and Atlas 
Iron Works, which were later absorbed by Bethlehem Steel, employed 2.8% 
and 1.4% of  neighborhood residents, respectively bringing the total 
shipyard workforce in the neighborhood to 29.2%. Thanks to aggressive 
wartime expansion, by 1920 Potrero Yard employed 50% of the householders
 in Dogpatch. In distant second place, comprising 10.2% of the 
householders, were business owners and various entrepreneurs. Western 
Sugar Refinery came in third place, employing 7.4% of the neighborhood 
householders. Itinerant day laborers were in fourth place, comprising 
6.5% and in fifth place was San Francisco Gas & Electric with 5.6%. 
Other employers included American Can Company, San Francisco Municipal 
Railway, San Francisco Fire Department, Tubbs Cordage Company and Ford 
Motor Company. From a socio-economic perspective, Dogpatch was becoming 
poorer as the workforce became increasingly dominated by unskilled 
laborers. Significantly, between 1900 and 1920 the percentage of 
homeowners shrank from 40% to 30.6% of the householders.[55]
 Part of this change can be accounted for by the increasing construction
 of large multi-family dwellings but it can also be explained by the 
widespread trend of long-time homeowners moving from the neighborhood 
but retaining their homes as income-producing property. Between 1910 and
 1920 Dogpatch had in effect become a company town for the shipyard. 
First World War
The outbreak of the First World War in Europe and 
the resulting expansion of Bethlehem Steel’s San Francisco Yard was a 
major factor behind the growth and development of Dogpatch between 1910 
and 1920. Initially America’s role in the War was that of a semi-covert 
supplier of materiale to the Allies. Early in the War, the San Francisco
 Yard constructed several submarines for the Royal British Navy, which 
were shipped through Canada to the Atlantic. Under the leadership of 
superintendent Joseph J. Tynan, who was appointed Superintendent of the 
Potrero Yard by Charles Schwab in 1905, production grew by leaps and 
bounds. Tynan made the Potrero Yard the centerpiece of a shipbuilding 
complex centered on the Bay Area, which by 1918 had become the largest 
shipbuilding region in the United States. The San Francisco Yard 
expanded physically with the addition of vast concrete-frame machine 
shops in 1916, which resulted in the destruction of Irish Hill. The 
enlarged shipyard launched hundreds of freighters and destroyers and 
employed as many as 10,000 men during the War.[56] 
Development: 1910-1920
Many of the wartime workers employed by the 
shipyard sought housing in Dogpatch and many were taken on as boarders 
by local families. Nonetheless, between 1910 to 1920 residential 
construction declined in Dogpatch due to the lack of available land. Of 
the 85 structures within the survey boundaries surviving from the period
 of significance, only three were built between 1910 and 1920. The 
existence of several large outcroppings of serpentine, combined with the
 continued ownership of much of the northern part of the neighborhood by
 Santa Fe Land Improvement Company, increased the difficulty of 
development. Some serpentine outcroppings even blocked city streets. In 
September 1910 the Potrero Commercial and Manufacturers’ Association and
 the Potrero Improvement Club made a formal demand to the City to remove
 a 30’ mound of serpentine that blocked the intersection of Tennessee 
and 20th Streets, citing persistent neglect of the neighborhood by city 
officials.[57]
 Later that year the Department of Public Works dismantled the hill and 
dumped the rocks in a large, four-block square pool of stagnant water, 
referred to locally as the “Red Sea.”[58]
 Private landholders, such as Santa Fe Land Improvement Company began 
blasting the remaining outcroppings of rock on their land but these 
large parcels were more valuable as industrial sites and were developed 
as such. A photograph taken from the roof of Western Sugar Refinery 
Circa 1917 shows how Dogpatch and much of the 3rd Street corridor 
appeared (Figure 7).
Between 1910 and 1920 the City constructed several
 institutional buildings in Dogpatch in an effort to cope with the 
expanding population of the Potrero District. In 1912 City Architect, 
John Reid, Jr. designed the new Potrero Police Station for the southwest
 corner of Kentucky and 20th Streets (2300 3rd Street) on what had been 
an ungraded 60’ outcropping of serpentine. The Potrero Police Station 
was built the same time as the North Beach Police Station and the 
Richmond Station, also designed by City Architect John Reid, Jr., in 
anticipation of the Panama Pacific International Exposition. The Potrero
 District needed its own police station to cope with the increasingly 
transient population of shipyard laborers, most of whom were single 
males. Three years later John Reid, Jr. designed a similarly detailed 
public hospital for the southern portion of the same lot (2310 3rd 
Street). The Potrero Emergency Hospital, as it was called, was deemed 
necessary to cope with the larger number of injured shipyard workers who
 had little recourse beyond the company dispensary. Within the next 
decade these two important public buildings were joined on the site by 
San Francisco Fire Department’s Station #16 at 909 Tennessee Street. 
American Can Company
By 1910 there were few large industrial parcels 
remaining in Dogpatch or elsewhere on Potrero Point. Although Santa Fe 
Land Improvement Company continued to develop some of their remaining 
parcels in the next two decades, few of these developments exceeded 
20,000 square feet. American Can Company was the last major industries 
to construct a large-scale industrial plant in the largely built-out 
Potrero Point industrial zone. Early in 1915 the company, the largest 
manufacturer of tin cans in the United States, purchased a large 
two-square block tract of land bounded by Kentucky Street on the west, 
20th Street on the north, Illinois Street on the east and 22nd Street on
 the south for $172,000.[59]
 This parcel, which had belonged to the Crocker Estate, had for most of 
its history, remained largely vacant and had been most recently a 
baseball field. The company blasted away the serpentine and constructed a
 tremendous concrete-frame factory. The factory was completed in June 
1916 and it accommodated 1,200 workers, becoming one of the largest 
employers of workers in Dogpatch during the 1930s and after the Second 
World War it became the single-largest employer in Dogpatch. American 
Can Company manufactured tin cans and also canned fruit, employing a 
large number of women who were reputedly better at the work (Figure 8). 
Development: 1920-1930
Between 1920 and 1930 Dogpatch reached its 
population peak with more than 1,200 residents but residential 
construction all but stopped. Of the existing 85 structures built during
 the Period of Significance only four were built in this decade, 
including two single-family cottages and two multi-family apartment 
buildings. By the early 1920s most of the available residential parcels 
had long since been developed. Although there were several large tracts 
still vacant in the northern portion of the neighborhood, such as Block 
4059 and the northern portion of Block 4107, these tracts belonged to 
the Santa Fe Land Improvement Company and they were earmarked for 
industrial development. The 1920s also witnessed the beginning of the 
era of decline in population in Dogpatch and the Central Waterfront. 
With the increasingly widespread ownership of private automobiles, 
workers in the heavy industries of Potrero Point no longer had to live 
within walking distance of their place of employment. As the need to 
live in Dogpatch declined during the 1920s, its value as industrial land
 increased. Beginning in the late 1920s, the remaining large parcels and
 infill parcels were redeveloped with machine shops and warehouses. 
Throughout the 1920s and 1930s several formerly residential sections of 
Dogpatch, particularly along Kentucky and the upper portion of Tennessee
 were demolished and redeveloped. In the mid-1920s the last major 
institutional building was erected in Dogpatch: the new SFFD Station 
#16, which was designed by City Architect John Reid, Jr. and constructed
 in 1925. This brick firehouse joined at least four other firehouses in 
San Francisco designed by John Reid, Jr., as well as the Potrero Police 
Station (1912) and the Potrero Emergency Hospital (1915). 
Population Characteristics of Dogpatch Between 1930 and 1940
The decade between 1930 and 1940 witnessed further
 transformation in the social and ethnic makeup of the population of 
Dogpatch. Much of the evidence is anecdotal due to the fact that neither
 the 1930 nor the 1940 Census schedules are available. Nevertheless, 
general information can be gleaned from the 1940 Census population 
tables, giving a somewhat accurate portrait of the population 
characteristics of the larger community of Potrero Hill. Dogpatch is 
part of Census Tract L-1, an area whose boundaries roughly correspond 
with those of the greater Potrero Hill neighborhood. In 1940 there were 
9,035 residents in Census Tract L-1, with Dogpatch comprising roughly an
 eighth of the total. Of the total population of Tract L-1, 66.3% were 
native-born white and 32.6% foreign-born white, which included Mexicans 
and other Latin-Americans. The non-white population was 1.1% and 
consisted primarily of native-born African-Americans. The percentage of 
foreign-born residents in Potrero Hill was significantly higher than San
 Francisco as a whole, where only 20.5% of the population was 
foreign-born. According to the 1940 Census one-third of the foreign-born
 population of Census Tract L-1 was born in Italy and Italian-born 
residents and their American-born progeny comprised almost one-third of 
the entire neighborhood population. American-born citizens of Italian 
parentage comprised another 20% of the population. Following Italy, the 
residents from the following nations comprised smaller percentages of 
the total population: Russia (5.0% of the total population), Yugoslavia 
(2.5% of the total population) and Mexico (2.2% of the total 
population).[60]
The 1940 Census reveals that Dogpatch was still a 
solidly working-class neighborhood. The participation rate of male 
residents in Census Tract L-1 in the labor force was 80.1 %, and 30.3% 
for women. Employment rates for both sexes were slightly higher than San
 Francisco as a whole. Of the total 4,085 residents in the labor force 
in Census Tract L-1, 2,515 were employed in working-class occupations, 
with 466 listed as “craftsmen, foremen and kindred workers,” 966 as 
“operatives and kindred workers,” 41 as “domestic workers,” 421 as 
“service workers,” and 621 as “laborers.” The percentage of 
working-class residents was undoubtedly higher in Dogpatch than it was 
for the rest of the Potrero Hill district included in Census Tract L-1. 
In regard to rates of home ownership, of the total 2,655 housing units 
in Census Tract L-1, 1,246 or 46% were owner-occupied; 1,303, or 49% 
were rented and 3% were vacant.[61]
 As usual, Bethlehem Steel Potrero Yard was the biggest employer in 
Dogpatch and most of Potrero Hill. Although the trend of suburbanization
 continued to lure long-time residents away from Dogpatch in the 1930s, 
the pre-war build-up attracted increasing numbers of transient shipyard 
workers to the area.
World War II
The military build-up of the late 1930s and 
American involvement in the Second World War in 1941 probably changed 
Dogpatch more than any other single event, bringing in new residents to 
what had become a declining area. The influx of defense workers into the
 neighborhood, as well as the rest of the Bay Area, was the single 
largest population increase ever registered in the neighborhood or the 
City. Workers were recruited from many different areas and populations, 
ranging from Dust Bowl refugees from Oklahoma and Texas to 
African-Americans from Louisiana, to Spanish-speaking immigrants from 
Mexico. Members of these groups and others doubled-up and tripled-up in 
the flats and workers’ cottages of Dogpatch. From 1935 until 1940 many 
Mexican laborers moved to Dogpatch to be close to their jobs at the 
Southern Pacific Railroad. City directories from the late 1930s 
and early 1940s, indicate that many Hispanic-surnamed residents of 
Dogpatch worked at Bethlehem Steel’s San Francisco Yard, especially 
during World War II. [62]
 According to real estate transactions during this era almost 
one-quarter of home buyers in Dogpatch had Hispanic surnames. Before the
 Second World War there were very few African Americans in Dogpatch or 
San Francisco but in the early 1940s the War Preparedness Board 
encouraged rural African-Americans from Texas, Arkansas and Louisiana to
 take jobs in Bay Area shipyards in San Francisco, Richmond and Marin 
County. According to the 1950 Census, Census Tract L-1 had 568 
African-Americans residing there, almost all of whom either lived in 
Dogpatch or the Potrero View Defense Housing. Another group recruited to
 work in the shipyards of the Bay Area were Dustbowl refugees from 
Oklahoma, Arkansas and Texas. Disparagingly called “Okies” or “Arkies” 
by native-born Californians, these Southwestern migrants also made their
 way to Dogpatch during the 1930s.
Development in Dogpatch Between 1930 and 1940
By 1930 Dogpatch was “built-out” with no new 
housing built in the neighborhood until the 1980s. Several factors 
contributed to the gradual stagnation of the neighborhood, the most 
important of which was the increasing ownership of private automobiles 
amongst working-class San Franciscans. Increasingly affordable, 
automobiles worked more than any other agent to disperse the workers in 
Potrero Point industries to the blossoming tracts of the Bayview and the
 Outer Mission districts. Although the population of Dogpatch grew 
significantly as a result of the World War II build-up at Bethlehem 
Steel’s San Francisco Yard, no new housing was constructed due to 
scarcity of material, labor and developable lots. 
Post-war Postscript
Following the end of the War, the neighborhood 
began to decline as jobs dried up at the shipyard and as various other 
industries such as Western Sugar Refinery and Tubbs Cordage Company 
began closing shop and moving overseas. Between 1965 to 1980 jobs in the
 Central Waterfront area, which includes Dogpatch, dropped from 16,304 
to 11,004, with most of the loss occurring in manufacturing and ship 
repair.[63]
 By the late 1960s Dogpatch gradually deteriorated to the point where 
the San Francisco Planning Department considered demolishing it and 
rezoning it for industrial uses. Arson and industrial encroachment took 
their toll, reducing the residential core of Dogpatch to what exists 
today. The 1980s witnessed a revival of the area, with an influx of 
artisans in search of inexpensive housing with character. 
Criterion C
Dogpatch appears to be eligible for listing under National Register
 Criterion C as a district that displays the “distinctive 
characteristics of a type or period of construction,” in this case a 
rare surviving district of industrial workers’ dwellings constructed 
before the 1906 earthquake. Although very few structures in the 
neighborhood are individually eligible for listing in the National Register, as
 a grouping they “represent a significant and distinguishable entity 
whose components may lack individual distinction.” Although the 
dwellings in Dogpatch were typically not constructed by the industries 
of Potrero Point, they served a similar purpose to the company towns 
that grew up around textile mills in New England and the South. Although
 individually most dwellings in Dogpatch do not depart significantly 
from other late-Victorian era neighborhoods, the existence of clusters 
of identical dwellings in close proximity to industry reinforce the 
company town comparison. With rare exceptions, the majority of the 
dwellings in the surveyed area display a moderate level of architectural
 embellishment indicating the influence of larger national stylistic 
trends but at a more restrained level, also characteristic of the 
working-class origins of the neighborhood. Dogpatch is also significant 
as a surviving remnant of the once-mighty South of Market mixed-use 
industrial/residential district that was destroyed in the 1906 
earthquake and fire. Very few districts in San Francisco, with the 
exception of parts of the Bayview, show the unique intertwining of 
industry and housing that was characteristic of San Francisco in the 
19th Century. Dogpatch is also significant as representing “the work of a
 master,” as the location of the single-largest surviving district of 
dwellings whose design is based on local architect John Cotter Pelton, 
Jr.’s Cheap Dwellings pattern book.
Type
For reasons as yet unexplored the West never 
experienced the proliferation of company towns that typically 
accompanied industrial expansion in older parts of the country. When 
company towns were built in the West, they were typically constructed in
 remote areas near lumber mills or mines, where no other housing options
 existed. In urban areas developed during the latter half of the 19th 
Century housing that sprang up around industries, such as around the 
Central Pacific maintenance and construction yards of West Oakland in 
the 1870s, were referred to as “company towns” although the dwellings 
were constructed by speculators or by individuals and not by the 
companies themselves.[64]
 Nonetheless, as in West Oakland, where close to half of the residents 
worked for the Central Pacific, the residents of Dogpatch were 
overwhelmingly employed by Union Iron Works and later Bethelehem Steel’s
 San Francisco Yard. Local landowners such as Jacob and John Reis and 
the Santa Fe Land Improvement Company constructed rows of identical 
cottages throughout the neighborhood. The surviving “Pelton cottages” of
 903-915 Minnesota, 1002-1014 Tennessee, 997-99 Tennessee and 1011 
Tennessee illustrate what became the signature element of a company 
town: the clusters of identical and inexpensive cottages rented to 
industrial workers. Other speculators built identical flats for their 
families and as rental property, such as the four identical Italianate 
style flats designed by M. J. Welch for the Sullivan family at 1104-06 
to 1114-16 Tennessee in 1885 Street or the row of six identical flats 
built across the street by Martin Phelan two years earlier. Repetitive 
house designs for company towns was a common phenomenon in eastern 
textile mill towns and villages. In the Southeast, mill owners built 
rows of identical “shotgun” houses for their operatives. Architectural 
variety was not a priority because it was much cheaper to build a series
 of identical dwellings from a standardized plan.[65] 
Era
Dogpatch is also significant as a rare surviving 
example of an era: a Victorian-era mixed-use industrial and residential 
district. Once widespread, this type of neighborhood was largely 
destroyed in 1906, particularly in the South of Market district. Of the 
eighty-five surviving structures constructed within the period of 
significance in Dogpatch, only ten were built after the 1906 earthquake 
and fire. Dogpatch was essentially a southward extension of the South of
 Market but due to its remote location and natural boundaries, it was 
spared destruction. Although, of course, many Victorian-era 
neighborhoods were spared in the disaster, most were middle or 
upper-class areas with little industry, such as Pacific Heights, the 
Western Addition, the south Mission the Haight and Noe and Eureka 
Valleys. With the exception of some sections of the northeast Mission 
and older sections of the Bayview District, there are no other 
significant areas of mixed-use working-class Victorian neighborhoods in 
San Francisco. Although on a much smaller scale, Dogpatch shares much in
 common with West Oakland, a similar district of Victorian-era workers’ 
housing with industrial uses surrounding it. 
Work of a Master - John Cotter Pelton
Finally, Dogpatch is significant under Criterion C
 as containing the largest concentration of dwellings based upon the 
architectural patterns of local architect John Cotter Pelton, Jr. The 
future architect was born on July 24, 1856 in San Francisco, the second 
child born to John and Amanda Pelton, prominent San Francisco pioneers.[66]
 In 1875 Pelton, Jr. began working as a draftsman in the offices of 
Wright & Saunders, a large and well-connected firm that designed and
 built some of San Francisco’s most substantial warehouses, factories 
and office buildings.[67]
 Pelton, like most other Victorian-era California architects did not 
receive academic architectural training, but instead learned his 
profession as an apprentice.[68] From 1877 to 1879 Pelton worked as a draftsman on Old City Hall, in the offices of Augustus Laver.[69]
 In 1879, Pelton opened his own firm in partnership with Edward 
Hatherton, another draftsman from Laver’s office and San Francisco City 
Architect during the late 1880s. 
Hatherton & Pelton opened an office at 330 Pine Street, in downtown San Francisco.[70]
 Despite the economic depression brought on by the collapse of the 
Comstock Lode silver fortunes, the 1880s were busy years for Pelton’s 
office. Hatherton & Pelton designed at least 30 residential projects
 in San Francisco between October 1881 and March 1886, the period in 
which he compiled the Cheap Dwellings Series. The bulk of his 
projects were commissioned by upper-middle class residents of the 
Western Addition and Pacific Heights. Pelton also earned commissions 
outside San Francisco including several in Woodland, Alameda and other 
suburban and provincial towns. From 1888 until 1890, Pelton worked alone
 in Los Angeles and in 1891, he returned to San Francisco. From 1891 to 
1897 he worked out of an office in the Telephone Building, at 216 Bush 
Street. Pelton was part of a consortium of businessmen and developers, 
known collectively as the Belvedere Land Company, which had platted 
Belvedere Peninsula in Marin County as an exclusive weekend retreat. 
Pelton designed several of the earliest and most prominent houses on 
Belvedere, including Loxley Hall, at 440 Golden Gate, a tremendous 
Classical Revival residence completed in 1895. Pelton appears to have 
done little work in San Francisco during this period with one notable 
exception; a row of six, two-story, Tudor-revival frame houses on the 
corner of California Street and 2nd Avenue, in the fast-growing Inner 
Richmond district.[71]
 After the Earthquake and Fire of 1906, Pelton was one of several 
architects who took part in rebuilding downtown and the South of Market 
district. One of the most notable examples of this work is a small 
terra-cotta clad skyscraper located on the corner of Second and Natoma 
Streets. This building, which still stands, was designed in 1907 for the
 firm of Knickerbocker & Bostwick and is now known as the 
Westinghouse Building.[72]
 Another surviving Pelton skyscraper is a prominent Sullivanesque 
building located at 140-42 2nd Street. Although Pelton maintained his 
primary residence in San Francisco, he continued to work on projects in 
Los Angeles. An article published in Architect and Engineer in 
1910, featured a series of innovative, patented reinforced-concrete 
bungalows reminiscent of the contemporary work of Irving Gill, Pelton 
designed for clients in the Southland.[73] John Cotter Pelton survived his illustrious father by only a year and a half, passing away in 1913.[74] 
The editor of the San Francisco Evening Bulletin, a
 daily newspaper that attracted a large body of readership amongst San 
Francisco’s working-class and immigrant populations, stated that the 
“Cheap Dwellings” series was initiated in response to a perceived need 
for “handsome, commodious, and economical” cottages for “small families 
of moderate means.”[75] The editor of the Bulletin described
 Pelton in the introduction of the series as a “well-known” young 
architect, who “carried off the prize offered by the Mechanics’ 
Institute for the best plans of a mechanic’s dwelling.” Apparently, 
Pelton’s social conscience and proven abilities in designing low-cost 
cottages motivated the Bulletin to feature Pelton’s designs in an unprecedented effort to assist the city’s working classes construct adequate housing. The Bulletin’s
 motives, like Pelton’s, were most likely motivated by a mixture of 
altruism and shrewd marketing. As the paper itself noted, every Saturday
 edition that included one of Pelton’s plans quickly sold out. Pelton 
may or may not have been paid for his work for the Bulletin, but he seems to have benefited from the publicity his designs engendered. 
Nevertheless, Pelton’s Cheap Dwellings series
 did respond to the need for competently designed industrial workers’ 
housing. During the 1870s, expanding trolley networks were allowing 
working-class San Franciscans to purchase cheap, unimproved land within 
commuting distance of their workplaces for the first time. The editor of
 the Bulletin summed up the situation: 
The time for the presentation of such plans is an 
auspicious one. In the city, street railroads are reaching out to the 
suburbs, making available the unimproved outside lands which can be 
bought at prices within the reach of all persons.[76]
This factor, combined with a twenty-percent rise 
in real wages between 1870 and 1890 led to increasing interest in home 
ownership amongst the working-class San Franciscans.[77]
 The homes constructed by working-class people in the industrial areas 
and peripheral neighborhoods were quite modest and construction costs 
rarely exceeded $2,000. According to the Bulletin, most 
architects in San Francisco were unwilling to draw up plans for houses 
that cost less than this amount, leading to less-than happy results:
It frequently happens that the person 
contemplating building and thus financially situated, finds that the 
cost of the plans and specifications of such a cottage as he needs and 
can afford to construct cuts considerable of a hole in his building 
capital...The alternative which presents itself and which is frequently 
adopted, is to either draw plans himself or accept the plans of a 
carpenter or builder...In either case, he usually finds that he has 
builded (sic) for himself a house wherein there has been much waste of 
material, no economy of space, imperfect arrangement and many omissions,
 making the house which ought to be a “thing of beauty and a joy 
forever,” an eyesore and an architectural abnormality.[78]
Pelton’s “Cheap Dwellings” series represented the 
first and only known instance in which a California architect published 
free plans for workers’ dwellings in a daily newspaper. The closest 
national precedent to Pelton’s work was a series of plans published in Scientific American’s Architects and Builder’s Edition. Like Pelton’s work in the Bulletin, the plans published in the Scientific American featured the information one would need to construct the dwelling: plans, elevations, sections, specifications and estimates. 
Between April 1880 and November 1883, the Bulletin
 featured one of Pelton’s cottage designs on the front page of the 
Saturday edition every two or three months. Each of Pelton’s 
installments were preceded by the editor’s “Introdution.”  In the 
Introduction the editor introduced the current month’s design, quoted 
positive reaction to previous installments and listed locations of 
places where cottages based on Pelton’s plans were under construction. 
The “Introduction” was followed by “The Architect’s Explanatory Letter.”
 In this section, Pelton described his design, his motivations for 
producing the particular design, architectural theory, the proper use of
 ornament and other relevant issues. Pelton also discussed more prosaic 
topics such as site selection, how to dig a latrine and how to 
efficiently arrange furniture in a small house. Following the text were 
the actual plans and specifications. Pelton made them as detailed as 
possible to facilitate their interpretation by any “competent builder” 
or homeowner. Pelton maintained that enough information was included so 
that virtually anybody could build a “Cheap Dwelling” without working 
drawings prepared by an architect. The editor of the Bulletin agreed and in 1880 he wrote:
The plans and specifications and statement of 
materials are so intelligently drawn that the inexperienced in such 
matters can easily understand them, and they are so complete that the 
person contemplating knows beforehand just what is needed in the way of 
materials, labor and expense.[79]
The first installment of the “Cheap Dwellings” 
series was published on April 3, 1880. This three-room cottage was 
designed for the narrowest marketable lot width; 20’ and its cost, with 
all the bells and whistles, came to $585.00. By omitting the indoor 
water closet, the hip roof and the picket fence, one could, according to
 Pelton, build the cottage for closer to $500.00. Either way, this was a
 very reasonable price for a single-family urban home in 1880.[80] Pelton’s next installment in the “Cheap Dwellings” series appeared in the Bulletin on
 May 8, 1880 and it is this design that appears in the design of sixteen
 (originally twenty-six) existing dwellings in Dogpatch. The “Four Room 
Cottage,” like its predecessor, was designed for a 20’-wide lot. 
However, it was somewhat larger at 772 square feet. Pelton displayed his
 interest in designing flexible interior space. Although the front room 
was designated as a parlor in the plan, Pelton wrote that it could just 
as easily be used as a bedroom. Similarly, the oversized closets between
 the dining room and the bedroom could be used to install a staircase 
should the homeowner decide to jack up the cottage and insert another 
story. 
Although designed to be very inexpensive, the 
“Four-Room Cottage” was also meant to be attractive and stylish. The 
plans depict scroll-sawn, Eastlake-style door and window surrounds and a
 heavy projecting cornice with brackets. Pelton estimated that the 
“Four-Room Cottage” would cost $854.25 to construct as designed.[81]
 He discussed how the decorative elements could be omitted to reduce the
 overall price but cautioned against parsimony. As it turned this small 
cottage design was popular with working-class San Franciscans, based 
upon the high number of examples that survive today.  Although it will 
never be known how many were originally built, a thorough examination of
 San Francisco’s Mission District, Potrero Hill and Noe Valley 
neighborhoods reveal the existence of a substantial number. However, 
Pelton’s cottage designs were not exclusively used by individuals 
seeking to build homes for themselves as the architect had originally 
intended. As we have seen, Pelton’s “Design No. 2 for a Four-Room 
Cottage” was used by the Santa Fe Land Improvement Company and private 
developers to construct rows of identical cottages for industrial 
workers.
Methodology
Unlike more affluent and socially prominent 
neighborhoods of San Francisco, Dogpatch and other working-class 
residential districts in San Francisco have escaped the attention of 
historians. Although chroniclers of San Francisco have provided us with 
ample information on the important role of Potrero Point's industries 
within the development of California's economy, they have largely 
ignored the lives of the workers whose backs provided the labor and 
whose dwellings lay cheek-by-jowl with the smoke-belching foundries and 
colossal shipyards. In order to tell the story of Dogpatch it was 
necessary to rely almost exclusively upon primary sources, including 
Sanborn Fire Insurance maps, San Francisco Block Books, US Census 
records, San Francisco City Directories, Spring Valley Water Company 
records, historic photographs and builders' journals such as San Francisco Architect & Building News.
 US Geodetic and Sanborn maps were especially useful for ascertaining 
rough dates of construction for buildings within the district. In order 
to determine property ownership information, the following sources were 
consulted: deeds of transfer at the San Francisco Assessor's Office 
(post 1906 only), San Francisco Block Books (1906, 1923, 1930 and 1947), Spring Valley Water Company Records and Edward's Abstracts. Additional resources used included contemporary articles in the San Francisco Examiner, San Francisco Chronicle, San Francisco Call and the San Francisco Evening Bulletin.
 Historic photographs in the San Francisco History Room, California 
Historical Society, Society of California Pioneers and the Maritime 
Museum provide additional information on the appearance of Dogpatch and 
associated areas at various intervals. Finally local residents who have 
lived in the neighborhood for decades helped to flesh out the skeleton 
of the neighborhood's history constructed from primary records. Special 
thanks go out to Mr. Roy Nehart, a third-generation Dogpatch resident 
who not only remembers everything about the neighborhood's history but 
also cares deeply about its future.
[1] “Genesis of Our Hill,” Potrero View (September 1976), p. 1.
[2] Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of California, Vol. 6, (San Francisco: A.L. Bancroft and Co., 1888), p. 194
[3] Coast Survey Map of 1857.
[4] Ibid., p. 295.
[5] Ibid., pp. 294-5.
[6] James W. White, “The Business Correspondence of Gibbons and Lammot, Gold Rush, Black Powder Merchants,” California Historical Quarterly Vol. 55, No. 6, pp. 304-5.
[7]
 According to Sanborn maps Tubbs Cordage Company was located on a rural 
parcel now bounded roughly by Iowa Street to the west, 22nd Street to 
the north, 3rd Street to the east and 23rd Street to the south.
[8] “Tubbs Cordage Company: One of Our Greatest Industrial Plants,” San Francisco Morning Call (May 28, 1893), p. 30.
[9] Maria T. Colyaco, California’s Master Ropemakers, (Manila: Manila Cordage Company, 1977).
[10] Roger and Nancy Olmsted, San Francisco Bayside Historical Cultural Resource Study, (San Francisco: 1982), p. 191.
[11] Henry Langley, The Pacific Coast Business Directory, (San Francisco: 1867), p. 14.
[12] Ibid., p. 15.
[13] Interview with Mrs. C. F. Adams, conducted by Cheryl and Clark Taylor, (May 1964).
[14]
 Christopher VerPlanck and San Francisco Architectural Heritage, “DPR 
523B forms for 900 Minnesota, 800-50 Tennessee, 997-99 and 1011 
Tennessee Streets, on file at San Francisco Architectural Heritage.
[15] J.S. Hittell, Commerce and Industry of the Pacific Coast, (San Francisco: A.L. Bancroft, 1882), p. 682.
[16] William Issel and Robert W. Cherny, San Francisco: 1865-1932, (Berkeley: UC Press, 1986), p. 30.
[17] Ibid., p. 683.
[18]
 In the decade between 1870 and 1880 San Francisco’s population 
increased from 149,473 to 233,959 according to the Ninth and Tenth 
Census.
[19] Charles M. Coleman, P. G. & E. of California: the Centennial Story of Pacific Gas and Electric Company 1852-1952, (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1952), p. 29.
[20] Sanborn Fire Insurance Company map (1899).
[21] Twelfth, Thirteenth and Fourteenth US Census (1900, 1910 and 1920).
[22] Ibid.
[23] Dan Gutleben, Documents and materials concerning the Western Sugar Refinery on file at Special Collections, Bancroft Library.
[24] Franklin Coyne, Development of the Cooperage Industry in the United States, 1620-1940, (Chicago: Lumber Buyers Publishing Company, 1940), pp. 69-70.
[25] Twelfth, Thirteenth and Fourteenth United States Census (1900, 1910 and 1920).
[26] Robert O’Brien, “Riptides, From Shovels to Ships,” San Francisco Chronicle (October 21, 1949), p. 18.
[27] Ibid.
[29] Roger and Nancy Olmsted, p. 196.
[30] Robert O’Brien, “Riptides, From Shovels to Ships,” San Francisco Chronicle (October 21, 1949), p. 18.
[31] Dewey Traunt, “Guard of Honer,” Jr. Ed. San Francisco Call (November 23, 1912).
[33] “Iron Works Preparing for Increased Business,” San Francisco Call (October 24, 1905).
[34] Victor S. Clark, History of Manufactures in the United States, 1893-1928, (New York: 1949), p. 141.
[35] “Iron Works is to Build an Addition,” San Francisco Examiner (January 16, 1916), p. 1.
[36] “Maritime News,” San Francisco Chronicle (June 3, 1918).
[37] Bethlehem Steel Company, A Century of Progress, (San Francisco: Bethlehem Steel Company, Shipbuilding Division, 1949), p. 17.
[38] Ibid., p. 24.
[39] “The Potrero as It Is,” San Francisco Examiner (August 11, 1889), p. 14.
[40] Ibid.
[41] “The Potrero as It Is,” San Francisco Examiner (August 11, 1889), p. 14.
[42] Robert O’Brien, “Riptides,” Scrapbook, Oral History of San Francisco, Bancroft Library, p. 14.
[43] San Francisco Examiner (August 11, 1889).
[44] Tenth Census, 1880.
[45] Robert O’Brien, “Riptides,” Scrapbook, Oral History of San Francisco, Bancroft Library, p. 14.
[46]
 Christopher VerPlanck and San Francisco Architectural Heritage, “DPR 
523B forms for 707 18th Street and 118 22nd Street,” on file at San 
Francisco Architectural Heritage.
[47] Margaret Henry, “Potrero Hill History,” prepared for Potrero Neighborhood Bicentennial Festival, 1976.
[48] Christopher VerPlanck, “DPR 523B form for 740 Tennessee Street,” on file at San Francisco Architectural Heritage.
[49] Ibid.
[50] “Tubbs Cordage Company,” San Francisco Morning Call (May 28,1893), p. 30.
[51] Twelfth Census of the United States: Enumeration Districts 72, 73, 84 & 85, 1900.
[52] Interview with Edward Cicerone, conducted by Cheryl and Clark Taylor, (May 1964).
[53] Interview with Robert Galli, conducted by Cheryl and Clark Taylor, (May 1964).
[54] Ibid.
[55] United States Census Schedules (1920).
[56] “Maritime News,” San Francisco Chronicle (June 3, 1918).
[57] “Potrero Demands Improvements,” San Francisco Evening Call (September 4, 1910).
[58] “One Stone Pile Kills Two Birds,” San Francisco Morning Call (November 17, 1910), p. 7.
[59] “S.F. Tract Bought for Can Plant,” San Francisco Examiner (January 22, 1915), p. 7.
[60] Sixteenth Census of the United States (1940).
[61] Ibid.
[62] Sixteenth Census of the United States (1940).
[63]
 San Francisco Department of City Planning, “Central Waterfront, An Area
 Plan of the Master Plan of the City and County of San Francisco,” 
(1990), p. II.8.5.
[64] California Historic Resources Inventory, “Oakland Point District; also Prescott Neighborhood,” 1987, p. 26.
[65] Christopher VerPlanck, “Typology of Southern Textile Mill Village Dwellings,” (Washington, D.C.: HABS/HAER, 1997).
[66] Charles L. and Lois M. Pelton, Pelton Family in America, 375 Years of Genealogy, (Aberdeen, SD: Family Health Media, 1992), p. 115.
[67]
 John William Snyder, “Index of San Francisco Building, 1879-1900,” 
(Masters Thesis, University of California, Davis, 1975), pp. 602-608.
[68] Richard Longstreth, On the Edge of the World, Four Architects in San Francisco at the Turn of the Century, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), p. 80.
[69] Crocker-Langley’s City Directory, 1877-78.
[70] Crocker-Langley’s City Directory, 1881-82 and United States Census, 1880.
[71] “Pelton, John Cotter, Jr.,” File located at San Francisco Architectural Heritage.
[72] “Westinghouse Building,” San Francisco Evening Bulletin, July 13, 1907.
[73] “Novel Method of Steel Reinforcement for Concrete Construction,” Architect and Engineer, Volume 19 (January 1910), pp. 55-59.
[74] Crocker-Langley’s City Directory, 1911-12 and 1912-13.
[75] John Cotter Pelton, Jr., “Cheap Dwellings, Plans and Specifications of a Five-Hundred Dollar House,” San Francisco Evening Bulletin, April 3, 1880, p. 1.
[76] John Cotter Pelton, Jr., “Cheap Dwellings, Plans and Specifications of a Five-Hundred Dollar House,” San Francisco Evening Bulletin, April 3, 1880, p. 1.
[77] Clifford E. Clark, The American Family Home, 1800-1960, (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1986), p. 103.
[78] John Cotter Pelton, Jr., “Cheap Dwellings, Plans, and Specifications of a Five-Hundred Dollar House,” San Francisco Evening Bulletin, April 3, 1880, p. 1.
[79] John Cotter Pelton, Jr., “Cheap Dwellings, Plans and Specifications of a Five-Hundred Dollar House,” San Francisco Evening Bulletin, April 3, 1880.
[80] John Cotter Pelton, Jr., “Cheap Dwellings, Plans and Specifications for a Five-Hundred Dollar House,” San Francisco Evening Bulletin, April 3, 1880, p. 1.
[81] John Cotter Pelton, Jr., “Cheap Dwellings, The Second of the Bulletin Series of Inexpensive Homes,” San Francisco Evening Bulletin, May 8, 1880, p. 1.

